Preferred Citation: Cole, J. Berkeley: University of California Press, c This book could not have been written without the help of many friends and advisers. As a doctoral dissertation submitted in at the University of California, Los Angeles, it benefited from the direction of Amin Banani and the comments of Nikki Keddie. Virendra Deo Pandey codirected the original dissertation while I was in India. I have been helped in extensively rewriting it by the comments of David Bien, Michael H.
My debts to private libraries and public institutions are large indeed. The director of the Nasiriyyah Library, Mawlana Tahir Jarvali, and his staff showed me endless kindness and helpfulness.
The Raja and Maharajkumar of Mahmudabad munificently gave me access to their manuscripts. Naiyir Masoud and Mawlana Kalb-i Sadiq shared with me rare printed works. All opinions expressed in this book are mine alone.
Having absolved them from responsibility for the final product, I can note with gratitude that my research was funded in by sequential grants from the Fulbright-Hays Doctoral Dissertation Abroad Program and from the Social Science Research Council and the American Council of Learned Societies. The latter grant helped fund intensive language training at the University of California Berkeley Urdu Program in Lahore. I am especially beholden to the people at Fulbright House, New Delhi. Ursula Sims-Williams of the India Office kindly helped with the illustrations.
Susan Stone, and other members of the staff at the University of California Press for their hard work anti helpfulness. Consonants and vowels are transliterated according to the Library of Congress romanization for Arabic, Persian, and Urdu, with slight modifications to avoid confusion.
Transliteration thus depends on the language of the source being discussed. I have ed personal names in construct state Burhanu'l-Mulk, not Burhan al-Mulk. In Arabic phrases sun letters are shown. Most names are transliterated as if Persian, but nisbahs deriving from Indian place names are in Urdu. Arabic titles, and phrases within titles, of Persian and Urdu books are transliterated according to the rules for Arabic. Place-names are not given diacriticals. I am grateful to the editors of Iranian Studies and Middle Eastern Studies for permission to use material in this book ly published in sun different form.
My debt is to my wife, Sheena, for her support, help, and patience, while this book was being researched and written on three continents. Two modern events, the creation of Pakistan out of India and the Iranian revolution, underline the importance of religion as an element of state formation in West and South Asia. Sex could almost speak of "Muslim nationalism," but it has recently been suggested that it might be better to substitute an uncontaminated phrase such as "political identity" for the vaguer "nationalism. How far woman to look for the roots of Muslim separatism and religious state building has become a central debate in the sarab of Asian Islam.
The two major approaches to the problem have been called the "instrumental" and the "primordial. The primordialist would counter that Islamic religious conceptions so profoundly shape community identity that "the formation of separatist movements on the basis of religious confession, the assertion of a political identity on the basis of religion Neither of these approaches is often held in its pure form. Instrumentalists can point to many places where religion has not played a major role in separatist movements.
Clearly, communities can "imagine" themselves variously. Press, ]. Yet jahangir imagination must work with symbols drawn from a collective past, and historical experience and cultural tradition can at least help explain why religious separatism has been more important in North India than in the mature, and more important in the Middle East than in East Asia. In North India, even an instrumentalist found that local nationalisms, whether Sikh, Muslim, or Maithili, succeeded best when religious rather than only linguistic bases were used for political identity.
In some ways, of course, the debate between instrumentalists and primor-dialists centers on the relative weight of short-term causes for political identity formation versus long-term ones. An approach taking the primordial seriously will require a study of cultural tradition and lead one further into the past. Since Muslim separatism as a political movement developed earliest on the Gangetic plain now the province of Uttar Pradeshthe cultural history of Muslims there becomes especially important to an understanding of their attitudes to communal conflict.
By looking at the formation of ulama ideology, I make a contribution to our understanding of the conceptual bases for their contemporary activism.
It asks about the role of religion in expressing indigenous Asian cultural values at a time of widening European influence, and about the impact of social and economic change on religious institutions and values. It looks at the power relationship between religious experts and officers of the state in a patrimonial bureaucracy. It illuminates the processes whereby a small, powerless sect can become a "church," or formal religious establishment. The approach seeks to combine social history and the historical sociology of religion.
Important for the background of religious communalism, the study raises the question of what impact the transi. Imagined Communities. In the course of my research I became convinced that my data could be better elucidated with reference to the sociology of religion, deriving ultimately from seminal ideas of Max Weber. Weber has been interpreted variously, and the very terms he made famous, such as "sect" and "church," have been given different content by a host of authors; moreover, their application to a non-Christian milieu raises further questions.
I was helped most by the work of Bryan Wilson and Benton Johnson, who have clarified key conceptions in the sociology of religion.
An unresolved question, it seems to me, is the role of the state in defining groups as sects and churches, an issue upon which this book dwells. I also found most useful the work of two "Left Weberians," Bryan S. Turner and Frank Parkin.
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Both argue for the continued relevance of some Weber-Jan conceptions, even to neo-Marxist debates. Turner has criticized students of Muslim societies for stressing vertical stratification the mosaic model of competing religious groups, tribes, and city quarters often to the exclusion of analysis based on horizontal stratification social classes as determined by relationship to the means of production. Social stratification plays an important part in my analysis, including my approach to the vexed question of "sect and church.
To ignore social closure based on religion in West and South Asia would be.
Bulles à verre
Guenther Roth and Claus Wittich, 2 vols. Berkeley and Los Angeles: Univ. They particularly mourned the death of the third Imam, Husayn d. Most recently, the spectacle of the clerically dominated parliament and cabinet in Iran exercising a near-monopoly over political power has bewildered the secular West and pro. Press, ; Abdulaziz A. Press, Is this form of Islam more incompatible with secular government than are others, and does it contain a special impetus toward theocracy?
This work essays comparisons with contemporary developments in Iraq and Iran and emphasizes the intricate international networks created by ulama immigration, pilgrimage, visitation, and travel for study. Some have to do with the role of the clergy according to the Imamis' own scriptural corpus, whereas others focus on the historical actions of the ulama.
Norman Calder has recently traced the development of Imami jurisprudence from the tenth through the fifteenth century.
Eleventh-century Imamis largely held that only the Imam could collect and distribute religious taxes, lead Friday congregational prayers, and head up holy war jihad campaigns, and that in his absence such functions of the Islamic state had lapsed. But the scholars adhering to the rationalist Usuli school of jurisprudence gradually assumed the right to act for the Imam as proxies in these and other areas.
See also Robert Brunschvig. The Usulis advocated the use of independent reason ijtihad and limited sorts of syllogism in deriving legal judgments and counted the consensus of jurisprudents a source of Islamic law. As rationalists, they trusted in the human intellect and Greek philosophical tools to discover the will of the hidden Imam. Since they insisted that laymen emulate their rulings, they emerged as more than legal scholars, approximating a clergy. They were opposed by Imami scholars of the conservative Akhbari school, who limited legal technique to a literal interpretation of oral reports transmitted from the Imams and forbade the use of rationalist tills both in theology and in jurisprudence.
An issue generating controversy has been the relations of the clergy to the state. The issue of the role of the ulama is not simply one in the history of ideas, a struggle of a few great minds abstracted from any social context. The clergy, a status group, came from specific social classes. Their views of certain kinds of law, and of their own roles as defined by their principles of jurisprudence, constituted a kind of "political knowledge," or ideology, which can only be studied fruitfully in its social context.
An analysis of the kinds of religious organizations a social group creates can be made by looking at the class background of its members and the de. Keddie, ed. Yale Univ. See Karl Mannheim, Ideology and Utopia, trans. Wirth and E. This framework, derived from the sociology of religion, would class a religious organization as "sectarian" where it was in great tension with the outside society, and as a formal religious establishment, or "church," where the tension was minimal.
In the twentieth century the heavy influence over Iranian governments by Western imperialists and, later, the rise of a secularist state policy led some prominent members of the clerical establishment to distance themselves from the state. The eighteenth century, a period of seeming political chaos in the Islamic East, has not attracted the same interest as did the integral Mughal Empire in its heyday.
As a regional phenomenon, Awadh tended to be passed over except at Lucknow University in favor of a concentration on events in Delhi. The little work on the regional history of North India produced earlier in this century focused on the reigns of the nawabs of Awadh.
More recently, T. Metcalf has investigated the great landholders, Barnett has written on government administrators, and Bayly has delineated the role of Hindu merchants and Muslim middle strata. Like Bayly's urban merchants building new commercial networks in the shadow of the East India Company, or like Metcalf's large landholders.
Press, ; Richard B. Also important are the articles of Michael H.